Author: Seth J. Bokpe

  • Mahama’s 11 ministers who never declared their assets  

    Mahama’s 11 ministers who never declared their assets  

    When President John Mahama sat behind the microphones of the Twin City Radio in Takoradi in October 2015, he was categorical that all his appointees had met a crucial obligation to the state apart from swearing their oaths of office.

    He told his audience, while in the Western Region to canvas for votes ahead of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) flagbearer race, that all his ministers had declared their assets and liabilities as required by Article 286 of the 1992 Constitution and Act 550.

    He also said although the declaration was not made public, it was obligatory for all his appointees to declare their assets “when they were appointed and when they will leave office”.

    President Mahama and his Vice-President, the late Paa Kwesi Amissah-Arthur, were sticklers to rules and declared their assets and liabilities within time.

    A day before his inauguration on January 7, 2013, President Mahama declared his assets. He again filed his asset and liabilities on May 17, 2017, five months after he exited office.

    Vice-President Amissah-Arthur, on the other hand, did the entry and exit declarations on March 23, 2013, and March 27, 2017, respectively.

    The Fourth Estate has, however, found that eleven of Mr. Mahama’s ministers and deputies did not declare their assets. The list includes the former President’s Chief of Staff, Prosper Bani, whose duties included whipping the appointees in line with their legal obligations to the state.

    Data The Fourth Estate received from the Audit Service through a Right to Information (RTI) request shows that the following ministers in the Mahama administration failed to adhere to the asset declaration law:

    Ministers who never declared their assets

    1. Prosper Bani – Chief of Staff/ Minister of Interior

    Akufo-Addo's attack on critics of COVID-19 fight unfortunate – Prosper Bani  - Starr FmMr. Bani was appointed President John Mahama’s first Chief of Staff in January 2013 (and later moved to the Ministry of the Interior). By June 2013 and June 2017, he should have declared his asset, but he didn’t.

    His promise to call The Fourth Estate back to speak to the issue was not fulfilled. He did not return subsequent calls to him.

     

    1. Ekwow Spio-Gabrah- Trade & Industry

    I'm capable and ready to be Mahama's running mate - Spio-GarbrahHe was appointed Trade and Industry Minister in the Mahama era in October 2014. Per the law, he should have declared his asset by April 2015. When the NDC exited office in January 2017. He had up to June 2017 to declare his assets and liabilities. The data shows he didn’t.

    When contacted, he told The Fourth Estate that “I have been a minister in four portfolios. I always have declared my assets, as I have nothing to hide.”

    When The Fourth Estate asked for the evidence of declaration, he said “I would be very surprised to find such a document—a one piece of paper—important though it is—easily amongst my paperwork. Especially, having moved house twice since then, involving a lot of packing and unpacking.”

    “But the Chief of Staff [Prosper Bani] would not easily have allowed anybody to get away with not filing. I can’t account for what happens after docs have been lodged with the Auditor-General. But I can check with my PA at the time, who I am sure was entrusted to handle this with the Audit Service.”

    1. Nii Osah Mills – Lands & Natural Resources

    Nii Osah Mills | World Bank Live

    The soft-spoken former President of the Ghana Bar Association was appointed the Minister of Lands and Natural Resources on July 21, 2014. By January 2015 and June 2017, Mr Mills should have declared his assets.

    On September 28, 2022, he declined to comment unless he had a one-on-one engagement with this reporter. He promised to call back but did not do it. He didn’t respond to subsequent calls.

    1. Victoria Hammah – Deputy Communications

    Victoria Hammah Decries Personal Attacks

    She was appointed in March 2013 but was sacked in November 2013 after she was recorded allegedly saying she would stay in politics until she has made $1million. By September 2013, she should have fulfilled her asset declaration obligations. However, she didn’t.

    She could not be reached for comment.

    1. Peter Anarfi-Mensah— Ashanti Regional Minister

    Former Ashanti Regional Minister Peter Anarfi Mensah Dead - Otec 102.9 FMA former headmaster of the Tepa Senior High School, Mr Peter Anarfi-Mensah, was appointed the Ashanti Regional Minister in March 2015. It means by September 2015, he should have declared his asset as a newly appointed minister and by June 2017, six months after the NDC exited office. He died in a ghastly road accident in August 2018

    1. Emmanuel Kwadwo Agyekum – Deputy Minister, Local Government

    Emmanuel Kwadwo Agyekum, MP Nkoranza South - Graphic Online

    He is a second-term MP for Nkoranza South and was appointed the Deputy Minister of Local Government in May 2013. His asset declaration deadlines were December 2013 and June 2017.

    He told The Fourth Estate that he declared his assets in 2013 but did not get a receipt for it. He, however, admitted that when he left office in January 2017, he did not do it.

    1. Victor Asare Bampoe-Deputy Minister of Health

    Mahama's 11 ministers who never declared their assetsBefore his appointment as a Deputy Minister in July 2014, he was the senior fund portfolio manager at the Global Fund. By January 2015 and June 2017, he should have brought closure to his asset declaration requirements.

    He declined to comment when contacted.

     

    1. Hannah Bissiw- Deputy Minister of Food and Agriculture

    She served in the Mills administration as a deputy minister of Works and Housing. In the Mahama administration, she was appointed deputy minister of Food and Agriculture in 2013. At the same time, she was the legislator for the Tano South Constituency.

    “I did my declaration. We had specific instructions from the Presidency to that,” she said. When asked for the evidence, she said “I was given a receipt, but I didn’t know that after eight[six] years in opposition, you’re going to ask me for a receipt of my asset declaration. The government should have those records.”

    She said CHRAJ investigated her at a point because of a petition filed against her for the construction of a house and other projects in her hometown.

    But our checks show that the incident happened in 2012 a year before her appointment as a deputy minister in the Mahama administration.

    1. Ibrahim Mohammed Murtala – Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry

    He was appointed deputy minister of Information (and later reshuffled to the Trade and Industry ministry) in March 2013, he was also the MP for Nanton. By September 2013, he should have declared his assets for the first time and done the second declaration by June 2017 after the NDC’s exit from office in January 2017.

    He told The Fourth Estate that his asset declaration form was picked up by a staff of the Ministry of Information. Although the law puts the responsibility of filing the documents on public officials, Mr Ibrahim said the Audit Service should have followed up on it.

    Paul Evans Aidoo – Western Regional Minister

    A special birthday to Hon Paul Evans Aidoo! - Ghana CelebrationsThe three-term MP for Sefwi-Wiawso was appointed the Brong Ahafo Regional Minister (and later Western Regional Minister) in February 2017. He was required to complete his asset and liabilities declarations by August 2013 and June 2017.

    In a text message response to The Fourth Estate on Tuesday, September 27, 2022, he said he fulfilled his obligation under the law as MP. Asked for his receipt of the declaration, he said he was currently in his village in Sefwi and that he would search for it when he returns to Accra in October.

    1. Aquinas Tawiah Quansah – Deputy Minister, Central Region

    He was MP for Mfantsiman and was appointed Deputy Minister for the Central Region in July 2014. He should have completed his two asset declarations in January 2015 and June 2017.

    He could not be reached for comment.

     

     

     

     

     

    1. James Zuugah Tigah – Upper East Regional Minister

    James Zoogah Tiigah - Minister for the Upper East Regional - Politics |  LinkedInA civil servant turned politician; he worked in the office of J.J. Rawlings in the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) days, auditing the accounts of senior high schools and later became the Chief Treasury Officer of the Ministry of Health. He became a regional minister in July 2014. His asset declaration timelines were due by January 2015 and June 2017.

    He could not be reached for comment.

    34 complied

    Thirty-four others followed the footsteps of Mr Mahama by declaring their asset and liabilities when they assumed office and when they exited.

    Partial declarations

    Apart from the 11 who never declared their assets, 12 others declared after they left office.  When the NDC exited office, at least 38 ministers and deputy ministers did not fully or partially declare their assets and liabilities.

    The full list of the defaulters is below:

    [pdf-embedder url=”https://capedx.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Mahama-ministers-1.pdf” title=”Mahama ministers”]

    The law is calibrated to checkmate public officials from abusing their offices with illicit enrichment.

    But its critics say, it is nothing more than a political charade as assets declared are not published unless ordered by a Commission on Human Right and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) or a court.

    Until the appointment of Mr Daniel Yao Domelevo as Auditor General, the Audit Service did not verify the contents of the sealed envelopes submitted to it.

    The Asset Declaration Law

    The law requires that the President, Vice-President, the Speaker of Parliament, Deputy Speakers of Parliament, members of Parliament, ministers and deputy ministers of state, ambassadors, the Chief Justice, Judges of Superior Court, Judges of Inferior court and managers of public institutions in which the state has interest submit to the Auditor-General written declarations of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities owed by them, whether directly or indirectly.

    They are to declare their assets relating to:

    (a)lands, houses and buildings;

    (b) farms;

    (c) concessions;

    (d) trust or family property in respect of which the officer has a beneficial interest;

    (e) vehicles, plant and machinery, fishing boats, trawlers, and generating plants;

    (f) business interests;

    (g) securities and bank balances;

    (h) bonds and treasury bills;

    (i) jewellery of the value of ¢5 million [now ¢500] or above; objects of art of the value of ¢5 million or above;

    (j) life and other insurance policies;

    (k) such other properties as are specified on the declaration form.

    The political class’s failure to declare their assets is a systemic problem in Ghana. A number of ministers of the current administration, heads of state institutions judges and parliamentarians failed to conform to the law.

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  • Rot in Sierra Leone’s Free Quality School Education programme

    In 2018, Sierra Leoneans joined long, winding queues to end their suffering in the hands of the then-governing All-People’s Congress Party (APC), which had been at the helm of affairs for 10 years.

    The polls brought a retired military general, Julius Maada Bio, to power.

    For a country that had been plunged into austerity by the APC administration, the hopes of citizens were beyond the sky.

    The expectations were borne out of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) wave of promises.

    But four years later, it has become obvious that elections have consequences. Part of President Bio’s raft of promises was the Free Quality School Education Programme. In fact, as a candidate of the country’s largest opposition party, he worked the electorates into believing the possibilities of the policy.

    It was an overture that worked.

    So, when Brigadier General Bio (retd) won, he got to work on it in the very first year of his administration.  It was probably a lesson from a political textbook he might have picked from Ghana. Free senior high school education was a message that resonated with Ghanaians in the 2016 elections and won the then candidate Nana Akufo-Addo power.

    Page 87 – Sierra Leone State House Sierra Leone
    President Bio launched the free education programme the very year he became president. But the results leave less than desired                     Credit: Sierra Leone State House

    However, in Sierra Leone, the policy was not novel. It succeeded a similar World-Bank-funded scheme titled “Education for All” (EFA) implemented by former President Ernest Bai Koroma’s government.

    The $21.31 million project funded by the World Bank had little impact before Mr. Koroma exited. The programme realised little impact in the education sector because the funds were massively misappropriated.

    However, President Bio promised Sierra Leoneans he had a marshal plan for the policy.

    What is the FQE Scheme?

     The FQSE project was launched on August 20, 2018. The programme covers school feeding, uniforms, tuition fees, exercise and textbooks for pupils in pre-primary, primary, and secondary schools.

    President Bio’s government claims it has been allocating 22% of the country’s total annual budget to education. But the data available shows the figure is 21%.

    GROSS NATIONAL BUDGET  ALLOCATION TO EDUCATION  PERCENTAGE  USD EQU YEAR
    Le 4.95 trillion Le 1.04 trillion       21%  123.372 million 2019
    6.364 trillion Le 1 trillion       21% 144.162 million 2020
    Le 6.955 trillion Le 1.53 trillion        21% 151.4 trillion 2021
    Le 7.727 Le 1.7 trillion       21% 151.453 million 2022

    The budgetary allocation isn’t the most critical issue the government’s free education programme. Corruption is eating away resources meant for educating young Sierra Leoneans.

    The rot on the pages of the previous and current Auditor-Generals’ reports points to an alarming misappropriation of funds meant for education.

    The 2019 and 2020 Auditor-General’s reports revealed that the Ministry of Basic and Senior Secondary Education (MBSSE) spent over 6.5 billion Leones without supporting documents.

    The Auditor-General again revealed in 2020 that the same ministry could not produce receipts, and vouchers covering 9.40 billion Leones ($1 million) paid to institutions and for different purposes.

    The report further stated that the MBSSE’s headquarters in the provincial town of Kailahun also had a similar dodgy payment of 69 million Leones (equivalent to $8,600).

    The corruption was not just monetary. It was in kind too.

    In 2019, the Chinese government donated a total of 30,000 bags of rice to the Ministry of Basic and Senior Secondary Education as support for the school feeding component of the FQE.  But only 3,000 out of the 30,000 bags were distributed. 90% of the rice disappeared.

    Auditor General’s 2020 Graphical Report Summary

    Auditor General’s 2020 Graphical Report Summary

    Cumulatively, over U$234 million disappeared between 2019 and 2020 in what appears to be an illegal string of payments all geared toward a tactical form of embezzlement of state resources within the Ministry of Basic and Senior Secondary Education (MBSSE), according to the 2019 and 2020 Auditor-General’s reports.

    Unfortunately, almost all of the Auditor-General’s recommendations since 2018 that monies misappropriated or embezzled be investigated and recovered have been treated like a joke cracked at a comedy show. Not a finger has been raised about some of these issues to date.

    Sierra Leone’s Anti-Corruption Commission seems disinterested.

    With the investment in education probably finding its way into private pockets while school infrastructure deteriorates and teaching and learning materials are unavailable, it is telling on examination results.

    Performance in public examinations in the last four years, since 2018 excluding 2022, has been nothing but degradingly concerning.

      YEAR NUMBER OF CANDIDATES NUMBER OF PASSES/ REQUIREMENTS
    2018 33,396 5,797(17.36)
    2019 102,621 6,500 (6%)
    2020 151,515 7,261 (4.76%)
    2021 156,231 51,748 (33.12%)
    2022 186,695 108,000 (57.8%)

    Source: WAEC

    As seen above, in 2020, there was an academic tsunami in Sierra Leone. The country’s rickety academic foundations were exposed. WASSCE results were a national embarrassment. The statistics of students who got 5 credits in WASSCE in 2020 was 4.5% as opposed to countries like Ghana with a score of (68.5%), Nigeria (65.8%), Gambia (64.8%).

    According to figures from the Early Grade Reading Assessment (EGRA), it is estimated that 97% of pupils in grade 2 in Sierra Leone cannot read. The EGRA is an individually administered oral assessment of the most basic foundation skills for literacy acquisition in early grades, while the Early Grade Mathematics Assessment (EGRA) measures numeracy. 60% of pupils still score 0% on the same reading and comprehension test in class 4.

    Mitigating COVID-19 impacts and getting education systems up and running again: Lessons from Sierra Leone | Blog | Global Partnership for Education
    Primary school pupils are doing as poorly as their senior counterparts in secondary schools although the state is pumping trillions into education     Credit: Global partnership for Education

    Early mathematics learning outcomes are just twice as poor.  Only 10% of Grade 2 and 30% of Grade 4 pupils can do basic subtraction. Quality in Sierra Leone’s education is nothing but a virtual reality. The Free Quality Education scheme, however well-meaning, still has a marathon journey to cover before its positive impact may begin to manifest.

    However, Sierra Leone’s performance in the 2022 WASSCE examination records better scores which beam a glimpse of hope for the best although the overall best candidate in the exam comes from a private school, Kamboi Lebanese Senior Secondary school in the country’s Eastern province.

    Conclusion

    A central aim of Sierra Leone’s Free Quality Education programme is to reduce the number of pupils in a classroom to a maximum of 50 pupils and reclaim learning quality in the education sector, but the reality on the ground strikes a bitter opposite. A series of verifications by the country’s former Auditor-General, Lara Taylor Pierce, who had been removed from office, found out that most classrooms host much more than 50 pupils

    “The flagship of our strategic priorities will focus on developing the country’s human capital through free education. We believe in giving every child a good education so that they can develop themselves, support their families and build our nation for the future,” page 5 of Mr. Bio’s “New Direction” manifesto promised.

    That promise, as The Fourth Estate has uncovered, lies beyond a yet-to-be-spotted horizon although some progress is trickling in. With such huge sums of monies being misappropriated in Sierra Leone’s education sector, the future of kids is bleak.

    As seen in the statistics presented above, Sierra Leone’s academic output and general performance in public exams have been nothing but surprisingly mind-bugging as compared to Ghana, for instance, which has a similar free education scheme.

    The writer of this report, Victor Jones, is a Fellow of the Next Generation Investigative Journalism Fellowship at the Media Foundation for West Africa.

  • University breaks rule as Council appoints retirees as vice-chancellor & registrar without due process

    In 2021, the Ghana Tertiary Education Commission (GTEC) expressed concerns about violations in the appointment of university retirees to substantive positions.

     “The Ghana Tertiary Education Commission (GTEC) has noted with concern the increasing appointment of post-retirement contract staff into various offices in Public Funded Higher Education Institutions (PFHEI).

    “Further, PFHEIs are to note that persons who are re-engaged after retirement, subject to permission, cannot be assigned ‘position holding’ roles nor draw allowances due a person still in active service,” GTEC said in a letter dated June 8, 2021, and signed by its Deputy Director-General, Dr. Ahmed Jinapor Abdulai.

    The GTEC, formerly known as the National Council for Tertiary Education (NCTE) and the National Accreditation Board (NAB), also issued a strong order in that letter.

    “The Integrated Personnel Payroll Department (IPPD) and Budget Department of the Commission [are] by a copy of this letter directed not to process the emoluments of any post-retired staff without the requisite evidence after August 1, 2021.”

    The order was served on vice-chancellors, registrars and finance directors of universities across the country. But one of the recipients of the letter, Professor Eric Magnus Wilmot, is a university retiree who has been holding a substantive top position as Vice-Chancellor of the C.K. Tedam University of Technology and Applied Sciences (CKT-UTAS) since 2020.

    Previously known as the Navrongo Campus of the University for Development Studies (UDS), CKT-UTAS became autonomous in April 2020.

    Prof. Wilmot retired from UCC and was appointed Vice-Chancellor

    Prof. Wilmot retired voluntarily in 2019 from the University of Cape Coast (UCC), where he was the Provost of the College of Education Studies for three years.

    In 2020, President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo granted him an interim appointment for only one year as vice-chancellor for the CKT-UTAS. The interim appointment was due to elapse in July 2021.

    But before the appointment elapsed, the university’s governing council issued its own appointment to Prof. Wilmot, giving him four years to serve further as vice-chancellor.

    The post-retirement appointment of Prof. Wilmot as vice-chancellor, who turned 60 years on April 28, 2022, took effect on September 1, 2020. It is due to elapse on 31st August 2024― when he will be more than 62 years.

    The appointment made by the council is contrary to rules governing such appointments in public universities in Ghana.

    Checks by The Fourth Estate have revealed that Prof. Wilmot has been drawing salaries and allowances since his post-retirement appointment as vice-chancellor.

    He received all his entitlements when he retired from the UCC three years ago. He is also entitled to more benefits when he retires for a second time by 2024 per the conditions of his post-retirement service at the CKT-UTAS.

    The vice-chancellor is not the only person who has been given a substantive appointment that transcends the 60th birthday at the CKT-UTAS.

    Registrar retired from KNUST

    The Registrar of CKT-UTAS, Dr. Vincent A. Ankamah-Lomotey, is a former deputy registrar of the College of Science at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST).

    While he was serving as a deputy registrar at the KNUST, President Akufo-Addo gave him an interim appointment in 2020 for one year as the registrar of the CKT-UTAS. He was a little over 59 years at the time, with barely a year to hit the mandatory retirement age of 60.

    Months before the one-year interim appointment was to elapse in July 2021, the school’s governing council offered him a four-year appointment.

    He, too, will go home with some benefits when he retires again.

    Both the retiree vice-chancellor and the registrar are no longer serving the president’s one-year interim appointments, which elapsed in July 2021. They are currently serving in substantive positions on the full-term appointments issued by the governing council contrary to the rule.

    Reactions from Vice-Chancellor and Registrar

    When The Fourth Estate engaged the vice-chancellor on the post-retirement appointment, he said no rule had been broken.

    “This letter is about those who remain to continue working after 60. It’s not about conditions for the appointment of foundation vice-chancellors or registrars. So, you are referencing a wrong letter [or] regulation,” he said.

    The Fourth Estate drew his attention to the contents of the GTEC’s letter― specifically the portions where the letter says persons who are re-engaged after retirement cannot be assigned ‘position holding’ roles nor draw allowances due a person still in active service. Asked if the letter did not apply to him given that he had already retired and was occupying a substantive office at a public university under the same GTEC, he declined to answer that question.

    And when he was asked if he did not see anything wrong in drawing salaries and allowances from a public office today after he had gone on retirement at a different public university and taken all his retirement benefits, he said he deserved his current post-retirement earnings.

    “Why should I? I’m performing the role. I have to be paid commensurate salaries and allowances.  What is wrong with that? There is nothing wrong,” he said.

    On his part, the registrar told The Fourth Estate he did not apply for the job. He said he accepted the position after he received an invitation from the Ministry of Education to “come and serve”.

    “I did not apply for any job. I was sitting somewhere in Kumasi when I got a call from the minister’s office, that the minister said I should come to Accra because they were going to inaugurate governing councils of three new universities.

    “So, I asked the lady, ‘I am confused because I didn’t apply for any job’. I consulted my friends. They said, ‘Well, this is  a national call; you need to heed’. So, I agreed,” he said.

    On why he accepted the four-year term of a registrar when he was less than a year to hit his retirement age of 60, he said the governing council and the GTEC would be better placed to answer that.

    Governing Council fails to provide evidence of due process

    Per the convention, after the search party has been set up, the the vacancy is advertised locally and internationally. When interested persons apply, the search party does a shortlisting. Then, the shortlisted candidates are invited and interviewed.

    Subsequently, the search panel comes up with the results and selects only the top two among the interviewed candidates. The top two are then presented to the university’s governing council to decide which of the two finalists should be the vice-chancellor.

    Finally, the entire university is officially notified of the appointment of the new vice-chancellor through a circular. The same procedure applies in appointing a registrar.

    The appointments of Prof. Wilmot and the registrar reportedly did not follow the normal. But the Chairman of the Governing Council of CKT-UTAS, Prof. Gordon A. Awandare, told The Fourth Estate that they followed the normal procedure.

    Asked why such appointments were issued contrary to GTEC’s post-retirement appointment requirements, Prof. Awandare said the former Minister for Education, Dr Matthew Opoku Prempeh, gave the approval after he asked for the minister’s advice “when the ages of Professor Wilmot and the registrar became an issue”.

    Prof. Awandare further backed the council’s decision by making reference to President Akufo-Addo’s appointment of Martin Amidu as a special prosecutor after his retirement age.

    The Fourth Estate asked Prof. Awandare for evidence that the CKT-UTAS’ governing council followed due process in appointing Prof. Wilmot as vice-chancellor― aside from the issues of his post-retirement appointment and extension of the appointment beyond his 60th birthday. He did not provide any.

    The GTEC’s Director-General, Prof. Mohammed Salifu, wrote an approval letter to the governing council for the four-year appointments of Prof. Wilmot and Dr. Ankamah-Lomotey as vice-chancellor and registrar respectively at the request of the former education minister.

    But when The Fourth Estate contacted Prof. Salifu on September 30, 2022, he said he was not aware that Prof. Wilmot had gone on retirement at the UCC prior to his appointment as vice-chancellor at the CKT-UTAS.

    Both Prof. Salifu and Prof. Awandare said the four-year appointments of Prof. Wilmot and Dr. Ankamah-Lomotey were issued because the school was new.

    However, checks show there are other equally new universities where governing councils, following the rule, have not offered any appointments that go beyond the age of 60 years.

    An example is CKT-UTAS’ counterpart in the Upper West Region, formerly known as the UDS Wa Campus. That university became autonomous in the same year as the CKT-UTAS and changed its name to SD Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies (SDD-UBIDS). The school’s governing council followed due process in regularising the appointment of its current vice-chancellor, Prof. Philip Duku Osei. When Prof. Osei’s one-year interim appointment as vice-chancellor elapsed in 2021, the governing council offered him a fresh appointment that is not going beyond his 60th birthday. The university’s Governing Council Chairman, Kwaku Yamoah Painting, confirmed this to The Fourth Estate.

    Former education minister denies breaking the rule

    It is alleged that Prof. Salifu and the CKT-UTAS Governing Council acted under intense political pressure in the appointments. When The Fourth Estate contacted the former Education Minister, Dr Matthew Opoku Prempeh, he said his role in the four-year appointments did not break any rules.

    “If such an appointment was made in an official capacity, why ask me? So, seeking my advice because this is a nascent university broke which rule? My advice was sought and [I] acted within the legal system,” said Dr Opoku Prempeh.

    But stating his position on the matter, a retired UDS pro-vice-chancellor, Prof. David Millar, said the appointments were in breach of the rule and did not follow the normal practice.

    Prof. Millar, however, said the four-year substantive appointments issued by the governing council did not follow the procedure of appointing vice-chancellors and registrars in Ghana.

    “Where there is no chancellor, the president is the chancellor of that university. In the case of CKT-UTAS, the president is the chancellor. He has the prerogative to appoint the vice-chancellor, but he is unlikely to extend it. Very unlikely. Such appointments normally are on a short-term contract, not more than two years. You are given specific deliverables; then, you exit after a short time.

    “When you want a vice-chancellor, you would put up a search party. But I know, for those people (Prof. Wilmot and Dr. Ankamah-Lomotey) there were no search parties. You see, already the main rule has been broken in that light. And when you put a search party there, you ask for a lot more applicants. It should also be advertised locally and internationally. That was not done. So, these are not normal appointments,” Prof. Millar stated.

    Finance Ministry under pressure, opposes Post-retirement Appointments

    As some public-university retirees still occupy substantive positions in the country and continue to draw salaries and allowances due only staff in active service, the Ministry of Finance does not conceal how it struggles to provide extra funds every month to pay retirees enjoying extra years in substantive offices.

    On August 5, 2022, the ministry wrote to public institutions, highlighting the government’s inability to grant financial clearance for post-retirement contract appointments.

    “Please, refer to the 2022 Budget Statement and Economic Policy which has been submitted and approved by Parliament for the 2022 fiscal year. The Ministry of Finance wishes to inform Heads of Ministries, Departments and Agencies [MDAs] and Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs) of some Expenditure Policy Measures as outlined in the 2022 Budget Statement.

    “Paragraph 324 of the 2022 Budget Statement and Economic Policy states ‘Government has, with immediate effect, suspended the granting of approval for Post-Retirement Contract Appointments, except in cases where the skills of the retiring officer are in short supply and unavoidably needed’.

    In view of this, we are unable to grant financial clearance for Post-Retirement Contract Appointment at this stage. Please, treat as urgent,” said the letter signed by Deputy Minister for Finance, Abena Osei Asare, for the Minister for Finance, Ken Ofori-Atta.

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  • Speakers at MFWA forum blame poor sanctioning regime for disregard for asset declaration law

    Speakers at a forum organised by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) on asset declaration by public office holders and the fight against corruption in Ghana say the lack of sanctions is responsible for the non-compliance of the asset declaration to the law by many public office holders.

    “I find it so disappointing that when public declaration by President Nana Akufo-Addo was challenged by the MFWA and information was put out there, nothing was done,” said the Executive Director of the Ghana Anti-Corruption Coalition, Beauty Emefa Narteh.

    The forum was organised by the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) following a series of publications by The Fourth Estate which revealed that many ministers, parliamentarians, and other government officials failed to declare their assets as mandated by the law.

    The Fourth Estate’s Findings

    Information obtained by The Fourth Estate shows that out of the 127 ministers who served in President Akufo-Addo’s first term (2017-2021), only 27 people fully complied with the law. This means only 21% of the ministers and deputy ministers declared their assets and liabilities.

    In the president’s second term, 50 out of the 87 ministerial appointees (representing 57%) have complied with the law.

    For the Mahama administration (2013-2017), only 39 out of the 102 ministers (including reshuffled and resigned ones), fully complied with the law, representing a compliance rate of 34%

    For the sixth parliament (2013-2017), 20 out of 275 MPs (7.2%) fully declared their assets.

     In the current (eighth) parliament, 95 MPs out of 275 have fulfilled their obligations to the law meant to prevent public officeholders from illicitly enriching themselves while in office.

    Among the three arms of government, the judiciary is the most compliant. Out of the 96 superior court judges appointed from 2017 to date, 14, failed to declare their assets and liabilities. The judges have an 85.4% compliance rate.

    President Akufo-Addo publicly said in 2017 that all his ministerial appointees had declared their assets. However, The Fourth Estate’s series showed that many of them had not, a situation Mrs. Narteh said should have prompted the president to act.

    “So, if the president was deceived by his appointees that they had declared their assets while they actually had not done so, my expectation was to have a quick response from the president, sanctioning those appointees for deception, which is a criminal offence. But nothing has been done so far unless it’s been done on the blindside of the public,” she said.

     

    Mrs. Narteh faulted the asset declaration regime for failing to provide the necessary framework for verifying declared assets and liabilities.

    “So, I can say that the asset declaration regime, as it stands, has not provided the needed framework for us to be able to ascertain the issues around verification of the assets”

    An anti-corruption crusader, Vitus Azeem, noted that the “lack of commitment on the part of leadership” had contributed enormously to the non-compliance with the law.

    “As far as 2008, we met the relevant committees of parliament to look at the regulations of Act 550. As of today, we don’t have the regulations of the Act, because there were disagreements,” he added.

    With no clearly spelt out punitive measures in the law to deal with defaulters, the law leaves the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) with discretionary powers.

    MP for Zebilla, Cletus Avoka( First left front row) was among the participants

    However, a law lecturer at the University of Professional Studies, Justice Abdulai, observed that CHRAJ had not used its powers enough to compel public officeholders to comply with the law.

    That, he said, had emboldened such public officials, who were aware of CHRAJ’s history of not coming down hard on defaulters.

    Ghana’s laws empower the Audit Service and CHRAJ to implement the asset to declaration law. However, public officials have continued to enter and leave office without declaring their assets.

    Participants at the forum attributed the loophole to the ineffective works of CHRAJ and the Audit Service and charged them to “do more”.

    But in its defence, the director in charge of anti-corruption at CHRAJ, Stephen Azantilow, said the institution had been working in their best capacity to ensure compliance with the law and was currently investigating over 400 issues relating to asset declaration.

    Mr Stephen Azantilow, the Director in charge of Anti-corruption at CHRAJ, mounted a strong defence against criticism that the commission is not leaving up to expectation

    The investigation is as a result of a petition filed by four Ghanaians using the evidence provided by The Fourth Estate publications.

    While in the past the Audit Service only accepted the documents without verifying its content, a senior officer from the legal department of the Audit Service, Anita-Delight Danquah, said the envelopes were now opened and the contents verified.

    Responding to calls for the Audit Service to do physical verification of all assets declared, Ms Danquah said CHRAJ, not the Audit Service, had the capacity to handle that aspect of the work.

    “Fortunately for CHARJ, they are the investigators, and we are the custodians. We audit, when you bring it. We look through. We make sure everything is set. We can’t verify if it is true or not true…maybe we should go further, but the further should be from CHARJ because they have the investigative arm. Audit Service doesn’t so we ensure that you do the basic things.”

    The Editor-in-Chief of the Fourth Estate, Manasseh Azure Awuni, noted that although public institutions such as CHRAJ and Audit Service were working at making government officials comply with the law, there was more they could do, adding that “they won’t go hungry if they do their work. A week after he was removed from office, former Auditor General, Domelevo, had another job”.

    His remarks follow his observation that some employees in Ghana’s anti-corruption institutions feared victimization, which accounts for their silence on some pressing matters.

    What does the law say?

    Article 286 (1) of the 1992 Constitution states that “a person who holds a public office mentioned in clause (5) of this Article shall submit to the Auditor-General written declaration of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities by him whether directly or indirectly (a) within three months after the coming into force of this constitution or before taking office, as the case may be, (b) at the end of every four years; and (c) at the end of his term of office.”

    The Constitution requires the declaration to be done before the public officer takes office. However, Section 1(4) (c) of the Public Office holders (Declaration of Assets and Disqualification) Act directs public office holders to meet this requirement “not later than six months after taking office, at the end of every four years and not later than six months at the end of his or her term.”

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  • Finance Ministry releases approved fees for RTI requests

    The Ministry of Finance has directed ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) to charge 27 pesewas for the photocopy of an A4 size page of information requested under the Right to Information (RTI) Act.

    However, if the information is printed from a computer, it will cost 38 pesewas. A copy of the information on storage devices, including pen drives will cost the applicant 29 pesewas.

    Applicants will pay GH₵ 1.28 for “transcription of visual images, for an A-4 size page or part thereof,” the ministry said. The announcement is contained in a statement dated September 14, 2022, and signed by the Deputy Minister of Finance, Abena Osei-Asare.

    The ministry’s directive follows parliament’s approval of the Fees and Charges (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, which determines what fees public institutions should charge the public for services.

    The approved figures are miles lower than what the interim fees the RTI Commission gave in a ruling against the Minerals Commission which demanded $1,000 for information.

    In that landmark decision, the RTI Commission ordered the mining regulator to charge only GHc 1.90, if the information was to be sent via email. It also instructed the Minerals Commission to charge GHc1.80 per page if it was to print the information for The Fourth Estate.

    In June 2021, the Minerals Commission demanded $1,000 (GH¢5,700 to provide the information requested under the law.

    The Fourth Estate had requested information on companies licensed to undertake mining in Ghana between January 2013 and May 2021, and companies whose licenses had been revoked or suspended within the same period.

    The amount is the highest, yet any state institution has requested from The Fourth Estate.

    But the RTI Commission annulled the decision.

    Such demands per Regulation 4 of the Minerals and Mining (Licensing) Regulations, 2012 (LI 2176), apply to requests of commercial value including cadastral maps and exploratory data of mining zones.

    In the absence of a legislative instrument to guide fees that public institutions should charge RTI applicants, the Minerals Commission said it fell on its internal laws to charge the fees.

    The Minerals Commission challenged the RTI Commission’s decision at the High Court and lost but proceeded to the Court of Appeal, where the case is pending.

    MFWA vs NCA

    In July 2020, the National Communications Authority (NCA) asked the MFWA to pay GH¢2000 for information on the closure of some radio stations in Ghana.

    The MFWA went to court to challenge the fees, and after almost five months of a legal tussle, the court gave its judgment on Thursday, June 17, 2021.

    The Accra High Court presided over by Justice Gifty Adjei Addo slashed the cost of the information to GH¢1,500.

    Ernest Norgbey Vs the EC

    Justice Gifty Addo gave a similar decision on July 21, 2020, when she ruled on an RTI case brought to her court by a lawmaker.

    Ernest Norgbey, MP for Ashaiman, had written to the Electoral Commission (EC) under the RTI law requesting information on the procurement procedure used by the commission to hire the services of two consultants—Dr Ofori-Adjei, an IT Consultant and Mr A. Akrofi, a procurement consultant.

    The two were said to be very instrumental in the EC’s purchase of a biometric voter management system (BVMS). Mr Norgbey wanted to know whether the hiring of the services of the two consultants was in line with the Public Procurement Act.

    The EC said it could not provide the information because parliament had not yet determined fees and charges for RTI requests.

    The new fees are likely to lay to rest a long-running battle between applicants for information and the MDAs, which sometimes make outrageous financial demands on persons seeking information.

    In recent times, the Public Procurement Authority and the Environmental Protection Agency have recently demanded GHS1000 and GHS2000 respectively as fees in response to RTI requests from The Fourth Estate.

    EPA demands GHC2,500 from The Fourth Estate in a RTI request 

  • VIDEO: Police under fire for accepting motorbikes from gold baron charged with multiple crimes

    The police in the Upper East Region have come under a barrage of criticism for accepting motorbikes from Paazie Naab, a small-scale gold miner accused of committing multiple crimes in the region.

    Apart from his recent alleged crimes, which the police have failed to act on, Paazie Naab, was put before the High Court in 2013, charged with four offences of stealing, causing unlawful damage, unlawful entry and conspiracy to commit a crime.

    Even though the accused’s recent comments of settlement suggested admission of the crimes, the state discontinued the case. The Fourth Estate questioned the Attorney-General’s Department and the High Court on the reason for the discontinuation, but the two institutions could not give any reason.

    Docket missing after Attorney-General’s Department withdrew criminal case against Naab

    In 2013, Naab and four other men― Binaab Boazie, Suguru Naabil, Boazie Naabil (also known as Tiger) and Berimamwe Naabil― were put before a High Court in Bolgatanga in a criminal case.

    They were accused of unlawfully entering Kolog’s house in 2012 and making away with some valuables worth Gh¢302,660.00.

    A charge sheet filed at the court by the Justice and Attorney-General’s Department in the region stated that Naab and the other accused persons caused “unlawful damage” to the victim’s property valued at Gh¢9,540.00.

    The court granted the accused bail in February 2014 on the application filed by their lawyer, Joseph Dindiok Kpemka.

    In June 2022, Naab told reporters he had paid back to Kolog a portion of the amount the damaged and stolen belongings were worth. The following month, he told the press the court had advised the parties to resolve the matter and that it had been settled as recommended.

    Contrary to Naab’s claims, Kolog told journalists that the case had not been settled. He told The Fourth Estate that the High Court said the case had been withdrawn by the Republic.

    On September 5, 2022, The Fourth Estate asked officials of the Attorney-General’s Department in the region why the case was withdrawn. They replied that they were unable to explain because the docket of the case could not be traced at the department.

    Following the inquiry at the Attorney-General’s Department, The Fourth Estate caused a further search at the High Court for the reason the case was withdrawn. The court, in a written reply, said “no reason [was] given”.

    The case was withdrawn on December 15, 2014.

    Wielding and firing a gun in public places

    A few months ago, a man in a public place fired aover 10 shots into the air from a pistol. The action is captured in a 30-second video showing the shooter in a white smock with an adoring crowd surrounding him.

    The gunslinger, identified as Paazie Naab, is one of the sons of Naab Pubortaaba Nabil, a deceased traditional chief of Gban, a gold-mining suburb of Talensi. He is widely referred to as “Commando” and he is one of the gold barons on the district’s rich list.

    His gunfire sparked public outrage as observers said the shots were launched unlawfully. An angry teacher, who wanted to see Naab brought to trial for brandishing and firing a handgun, furnished the Upper East Regional Police Headquarters with a copy of that video recording on June 27, 2022. The teacher was disappointed as he did not see the police take the action he sought.

    Several other residents felt disappointed in the same way. Suspecting the police at the regional headquarters were compromised, the upset residents lodged fresh protests on some social media platforms with the footage.

    While they were thinking about where else to turn with their complaints, another video emerged from Talensi days later. The new video showed Naab holding a pistol in the midst of another crowd in another public place.

     

    The footage, 17 seconds long, also showed three men in police uniforms. The three men served as bodyguards to Naab as he hastened towards a building with the pistol in front of a charged civilian crowd. Each of the three bodyguards― one in front and two flanking him on either side― held an AK-47 rifle.

    Accused donates to police

    On 5th July 2022, a group of Talensi residents issued a press statement on Naab’s gun-brandishing spree.

    “He discharged the gun to show how powerful he is over the State. We will pursue his unlawful action with the appropriate state institutions in due course because crime never expires,” the statement, signed by the group’s secretary, Sadique Buzong, said.

    “But even before we seek redress through the appropriate state institutions, we wish to use this medium to call on the Inspector General of Police (IGP), Dr. George Akuffo Dampare, to have the law deal rigorously with Paazie Naab, aka Commando, for unlawfully discharging a gun in public just as some individuals were arrested and made to face to the full rigours of the law in Ghana under the current IGP irrespective of their status or wealth for brandishing guns and for firing shots in public,” the statement added.

    On 18 July 2022― about two weeks after the statement was issued― Naab donated two motorbikes to the Ghana Police Service.

    He presented the motorbikes to the Upper East Regional Police Headquarters and announced that the donations were meant to help the police in going after lawbreakers.

    The police accepted the gift with applause in front of news cameras. Some residents described it as an irony for the police to welcome a gift from a man who has been spotted on the wrong side of the law.

    “Somebody who has committed a crime has given the police motorbikes to fight crime and the police accepted it. Is there any sense in that? And he never donated anything to the police until after some people threatened to have him prosecuted for brandishing and shooting a gun publicly,” reacted a resident, Noah Wongnab. “This only tells you that the police can no longer be trusted in the region.”

    Another saddened resident, Martha Aniah, asked: “Are the police allowed to receive donations from a person who should be standing trial for firing bullets in public? Is it not the same offence Shatta Wale, Medikal and others committed in this country and were punished for? How can we be sure of our safety in this region when such a person dangerously goes unpunished?”

    Alleged death threat and a dead end

    Naab was reported in June 2022 to have issued a death threat to Zongdan Buyak Kolog― a miner otherwise known as “Polo” and famed for his charity to poor people in the district.

    The alleged threat was issued after Kolog and Naab got into an argument during a meeting of small-scale miners in Bolgatanga.

    Kolog confirmed the alleged death threat to journalists as well as authorities of the Upper East Regional Police Headquarters in the same month he received it.

    Answering questions from reporters, Naab said (in Twi) that he only told Kolog that he would “hire boys to stop him from working in the community”.

    Subsequently, the Upper East Regional Police Command invited Kolog and Naab for a meeting and requested the two men to reconcile.

    Police Professional Standards Bureau condemns donation

    The Director of the Police Professional Standards Bureau (PPSB), Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) Thomas Tindow, told The Fourth Estate it was inconsistent with the police professional standards for any law enforcer to accept donations from an individual who was reported to have offended the law. Accepting such gifts, he stressed, connoted bribery.

    “How can an accused person come and donate to the police? You can’t do that. That means you are bribing them. As an accused person who has been charged for court, you are already alleged to be a criminal until otherwise disproved,” said ACP Tindow.

    He added: “The police are not the final arbiter in criminal cases. It is the court. It is when the court says you are innocent that you are a good citizen. Then, you can donate. If you want to donate to the police, you must be a genuine person, with a good background.”

    Executive Director of the Bureau of Public Safety (BPS), Nana Yaw Akwada, said he felt “scandalised” after seeing the images of Naab’s gunfire and donations to the police.

    “It is very offensive that in 2022 in Ghana, a country that touts itself as the beacon of democracy in Africa, one small man can take on the entire state security with such ease and indecent fashion, and the State appears weak. The seemingly weak action by representatives of the central government in that part of town is not only an indictment on the state but also an affront to the rule of law,” he said.

    “In any serious democracy, Parliament should be questioning the Interior Minister and the National Security Minister over such serious infractions that continue to offend the sensibilities and endanger the safety of well-meaning members of the Talensi community,” he added.

    Defence and Interior Committee MP condemns donation

    The Member of Parliament (MP) for Wa West and former Executive Secretary to the IGP, Peter Lanchene Toobu, said the police must thoroughly check the backgrounds of individuals and organisations before they welcomed any donations from them.

    “Policing is affected so much by public perception. What the public perceives you to be has an impact on your performance. On this issue, even if the said Commando (Naab) has no criminal record, because of the public outcry in his area, the police should be conscious and cautious in dealing with him.

    “It is professional for every police commander to do profiling of anybody who wants to donate to the police,” the MP, who is also a member of the Defence and Interior Committee in Parliament, told The Fourth Estate.

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  • 8 Judges rush to declare assets after The Fourth Estate letter   

    8 Judges rush to declare assets after The Fourth Estate letter  

    Eight judges of Ghana’s Superior courts rushed to the Audit Service to declare their assets days after The Fourth Estate wrote to the Judicial Service seeking clarity on the asset-declaration status of 15 judges, including the eight.

    Those who declared their assets immediately after The Fourth Estate‘s letter are the Judicial Secretary, who is also a Court of Appeal judge, and seven High Court judges appointed in 2019 and 2020.

    It took the judges two to three years to comply with the asset declaration law that required them to declare their assets and liabilities within six months after their appointment. And they did that only a few days after they received The Fourth Estate letter.

    The Fourth Estate obtained the full list of public office holders who had declared their assets by March 2022 from the Audit Service, through a right-to-information (RTI) request.

    Noticing that the names of 15 judges appointed in recent years were missing from the list, The Fourth Estate then wrote to the Judicial Service on August 17, 2022, seeking to find out if the judges had declared their assets and liabilities.

    The Judicial Service responded on August 31, 2022, with evidence of declaration for 12. But the evidence showed that eight out of the 15 defaulting judges only declared their assets and liabilities after the Judicial Service received The Fourth Estate’s letter.

    They declared between six to 14 days after receiving the letter.

    Justice Ernest Yao Gaewu, who has been nominated to the Supreme Court, also violated the asset declaration law when he was appointed to the High Court. The former private legal practitioner was among eight High Court judges appointed in September 2020.

    Per the law, his declaration should have been done by March 2021, but he did so on June 22, 2022, a month before he was appointed a Supreme Court Judge and more than two years after he became a High Court judge. His name was not on the list because declared after The Fourth Estate obtained the list from the Audit Service.

    The Judicial Service said three judges whose names were not listed as having declared their assets could not be reached for their responses.

     They are Justices Yaw Owoahene Acheampong, Solomon Oppong-Twumasi and Nana Yaw Gyamfi Frimpong, who were all appointed to the High Court in September 2020.

    They could not be reached because of the legal vacation, according to the Judicial Secretary, Justice Cynthia Pamela Addo, who declared her assets only after The Fourth Estate’s request to the Judicial Service.

    Three other judges, including a Supreme Court justice, who were not on the Audit Service list, provided evidence of declaration.

    The following are the eight judges who violated the asset declaration law, but declared after The Fourth Estate wrote to the Judicial Service for their comments.

    1. Cynthia Pamela Akotoaa Addo: The former Deputy Chief Executive of the EXIM Bank, Ghana, was appointed Judicial Secretary on October 2, 2018.  She declared her asset two almost two years later on July 16, 2020. Per the law, she should have declared her assets by April 2018. She was later appointed a Court of Appeal Judge in August 2020. By February 2021, she should have declared her asset.  But she did it on August 30, 2022, which is 13 days after The Fourth Estate letter.
    2. Gabriel Mate-Teye: He joined the bench as a Magistrate in 2008. He was elevated to the Circuit Court in 2012, where he served until his appointment as a High Court judge in December 2019. He should have declared his assets and liabilities by June 2020. But he declared on August 29, 2022, which was 12 days after The Fourth Estate letter.
    3. Mariam Saleh Sinare: She was elevated from the Circuit Court to the High Court in December 2019. Per the law, her list of assets and liabilities should have been filed with the Audit Service by June 2020. But she filed on August 29, 2022. It was done 12 days after The Fourth Estate letter.
    4. Justice Cynthia Wiredu: She joined the High Court from the Circuit Court in December 2019 and should have handed over the list of her assets and liabilities to the Audit Service by June 2020. But she did this on August 26, 2022. This is nine days after The Fourth Estate letter.
    5. Justice Emmanuel Bart-Plange Brew: He became a justice of the High Court after his promotion from the Circuit Court in September 2020. March 2021 should have been the deadline for his asset declaration. However, it was done on August 29, 2022, which is 12 days after The Fourth Estate letter.
    6. Justice William Osei-Kuffour: The private legal practitioner was appointed to the High Court in September 2020. He should have declared his assets and liabilities by March 2021. He did that on August 31, 2022, exactly two weeks after The Fourth Estate letter.
    7. Justice Douglas Seidu: Before his appointment to the High Court in September 2020, he was a private legal practitioner. He declared his assets on August 29, 2022, two years after his appointment when it should have been done by March 2021. His declaration was done 12 days after The Fourth Estate letter.
    8. Justice Elfreda Amy Dankyi: She was also a private legal practitioner before her appointment to the High Court in September 2020. She also declared her assets on August 26, 2022, when she should have declared them in March 2021. This was done nine days after The Fourth Estate letter.

    Article 286 (1) of the 1992 Constitution states that “a person who holds a public office mentioned in clause (5) of this Article shall submit to the Auditor-General a written declaration of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities owed by, him whether directly or indirectly (a) within three months after the coming into force of this Constitution or before taking office, as the case may be, (b) at the end of every four years; and (b) at the end of his term of office.”

    The Constitution requires the declaration to be done before the public officer takes office. However, Section 1(4)(c) of the Public Office Holders (Declaration of Assets and Disqualification) Act directs public office holders to meet this requirement “not later than six months after taking office, at the end of every four years and not later than six months at the end of his or her term.”

    This is not the first time the justices of the superior court have failed to live up to the terms of Ghana’s asset declaration laws.

    When he appeared before the Public Appointments Committee of Parliament in 2019 to be vetted for the position of Chief Justice, Justice Kwasi Anin Yeboah, admitted to the legislators that he had not declared his assets and liabilities.

    Justice Anin Yeboah had been a judge at the Court of Appeal from 2003 to 2008 before being appointed to the Supreme Court in 2008. He also served as a High Court judge from 2002-2003.

    In 2019, however, when the Minority Chief Whip, Muntaka Mohammed Mubarack, asked when he declared his assets, he said his first declaration had been at the instance of Chief Justice Georgina Theodora Wood when he was appointed to the Supreme Court in June 2008.

    “Last week, I filed it at the Auditor-General’s office,” he responded.

    Before admitting that he had not declared his asset on the two occasions he went through the Judicial mill, he said judges were overwhelmed with work, a reason they failed to meet the requirement.

    The Asset Declaration Law

    The law requires that the President, Vice-President, the Speaker of Parliament, Deputy Speakers of Parliament, members of Parliament, ministers and deputy ministers of state, ambassadors, the Chief Justice, Judges of Superior Court, Judges of Inferior court and managers of public institutions in which the state has interest submit to the Auditor-General written declarations of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities owed by them, whether directly or indirectly.

    They are to declare their assets relating to:

    (a)lands, houses and buildings;

    (b) farms;

    (c) concessions;

    (d) trust or family property in respect of which the officer has a beneficial interest;

    (e) vehicles, plant and machinery, fishing boats, trawlers, and generating plants;

    (f) business interests;

    (g) securities and bank balances;

    (h) bonds and treasury bills;

    (i) jewellery of the value of ¢5 million [now ¢500] or above; objects of art of the value of ¢5 million or above;

    (j) life and other insurance policies;

    (k) such other properties as are specified on the declaration form.

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  • Only two Chinese in Ghana’s prisons: two groups petition for investigations

    Only two Chinese in Ghana’s prisons: two groups petition for investigations

    Two environmental non-governmental organisations have asked for investigations into why only two Chinese nationals are in Ghana’s prisons in spite of the hundreds arrested over the years for illegal mining.

    Ghana Environmental Advocacy Group and Arocha Ghana said they were highly disappointed at how the Chinese arrested for illegal mining got away with their crime.

    They have, therefore, petitioned the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, the Inspector General of Police, the Chief Justice and the Ghana Immigration Service to investigate the matter.

    “To read that those arrested end up quietly deported to their home countries with their loot without any further consequences while the state and local communities are left to reel under the weight of the environmental degradation they leave behind is both unconscionable and irresponsible,” the petition said.

    The petition followed The Fourth Estate publication on July 20, 2022, which revealed that although hundreds of Chinese nationals were arrested for engaging in illegal mining (galamsey) in Ghana from 2012 to date, only two were in Ghanaian jails.

    The petition, which was signed by Elizabeth Allua Vaah and Seth Appiah-Kubi, observed that it was no secret that the kind of illegal mining most foreign nationals engaged in caused some of the worst environmental damage to Ghana’s water bodies, lands and forests.

    In May 2017, a notorious Chinese female illegal miner, En (Aisha) Huang, nicknamed the “queen of galamsey”, was arrested and put before court, but deported in December 2018 with the tacit endorsement of public officials.

    These officials include the former Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Gloria Akuffo; the then Senior Minister, Yaw Osafo-Maafo; and a former Minister of Lands and Natural Resources, Kwaku Asomah-Cheremeh.

    Aisha was charged with three counts of undertaking small-scale mining operations, contrary to Section 99 (1) of the Minerals and Mining Act, 2006 (Act 703); providing mining support services without valid registration with the Minerals Commission, contrary to the Minerals and Mining Act, 2006 (Act 703); and the illegal employment of foreign nationals, contrary to the Immigration Act, 2000 (Act 573).

    The other four accused persons were charged with disobedience of the directives given by or under the Immigration Act, 2000 (Act 573).

    Aisha was arraigned before the court on May 9, 2017, for engaging in galamsey activities at Bepotenten in the Amansie Central District in the Ashanti Region.

    However, on December 19, 2018, the Attorney General filed a nolle prosequi to discontinue the trial and subsequently deport the culprits.

    The petitioners say Aisha’s deportation set a bad precedent.

    “Since her arrest and very controversial deportation, there has been other countless, highly publicized arrests with pictures showing disturbing environmental degradation arising from the actions of these culprits.

    Criminals negotiate way out?

    “The posturing by our justice system, indicating that foreigners can ‘negotiate’ their way out of punitive penalties after committing environmental crimes is scary and does not bode well for our justice system, perpetuates impunity and erodes public confidence in the justice system. This lapse in the system also erodes the moral authority of our courts to enforce the law without fear or favour among citizens,” the petition said.

    To make the punishment for breaching Ghana’s mining laws stiffer, the Akufo-Addo administration amended the Minerals and Mining Act in 2019.

    The new law criminalises aiding and abetting illegal mining activities and the use of unapproved equipment for mining in water bodies.

    It also prescribes a minimum sentence of 15 years and maximum of 25 years for foreigners who engage in illegal mining.

    Making reference to  Minerals and Mining (Amendment) Act, 2019, Act 995, Section 99 (3) and (4), the petitioners wonder if the lack of punishment for foreigners could “be the reason why galamsey continues unabated with impunity defying all efforts by government to halt.”

    The petition called on  the Chief Justice, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, The IGP and the Ghana Immigration Service to, as a matter of urgency:

    1. Share with Ghanaians the number of foreign nationals arrested for engaging in illegal mining in Ghana and their nationalities.
    2. Number of those arrested that are currently in jail
    3. Number of those who have been released and for what reason (s)
    4. Number of those deported and under what conditions
    5. Number of such deportees who have returned and
    6. Measures that have been put in place to ensure that new people coming do not engage in illegal mining in Ghana.

    Meanwhile, almost four years after her deportation, Aisha Huang has been re-arrested in Ghana engaging in the very activity that got her arrested, charged and deported.

    Reports say Aisha and three other accomplices have been charged with mining without license and engaging in the sale and purchase of minerals. They are expected to reappear in court on September 14, 2022.

  • Ghana’s special needs children face a special, new problem

    Abu-Sadik Yahaya lost his first child and looked forward to a replacement. However, the joy with which he expected his second child vanished when it dawned on him that he would have to live with a special needs child.

    “I wanted a way out. I needed a solution. I sold my car. I spent every resource at my disposal and was ready to go anywhere and do everything possible. So, once a place was recommended by neighbours and friends, I dashed there,” Abu-Sadik recounted his adventures in search of a cure.

    As a spare parts dealer, he knew where to get the right components to fix defects in vehicles, but as a desperate father looking for healing for his child sick with cerebral palsy, he did not know where to get the solution.

    Eventually, he found his ‘solution centre’ on the premises of a mallam (a seer who is able to reveal past, present and future happenings and provide remedy or counsel).

    “You have not offended anyone; this is from God. This is your trial because God knows you can bear this burden,” the mallam told him in words that travelled deep into his heart, as they resonated with Qur’an 2:286: “God does not burden any soul with more than it can bear.”

    Abu-Sadik does not walk alone in this fate; he has a partner in Eric Akwasi Banor, who initially, did not understand why his daughter should suffer from down syndrome.

    Just like Abu-Sadik, Mr Banor, a driver, drove around town, seeking medical help from orthodox practitioners and herbalists, all to no avail.

    “I must be paying for the sins of my forefathers,” he thought at a point.

    However, after wandering in vain in search of deliverance from the “sins of his forefathers”, he decided to accept Jemima [his daughter] just as God gave her to him.

    “We are very happy to have her as a child,” he said in an interview with The Fourth Estate.

    Mabel Aku Kuleapenu and her family are also in search of relief for their brother, David, who is suffering from speech and walking impairment.

    According to her, the family could not help David, their physically challenged brother, to either go to school or learn a trade because they were too poor to do that.

    “We don’t know where to take him so we are only hoping and praying that God will help him grow so that we can discover his talent.
    “We lost our mother in 2018 and that is our father sitting there,” 30-year-old Mabel said, pointing to her father. “He is not working so it is myself and other siblings who are taking care of them [David and their father]. It is difficult for us.”

    Children, gifts from God

    Children are mostly considered a gift from God. But while that gift may be divine, human factors such as age, self-medication during pregnancy, hormonal imbalance, and pre-natal or post-natal conditions can alter the formation of children, according to experts.

    “Special needs” is an umbrella term for a wide array of diagnoses, from mild to very challenging conditions.

    Experts say children with special needs may have developmental delays, medical conditions, psychiatric conditions, and/or congenital conditions.

    Ms Joan Kafui Wenya, the Coordinator for Special Education at the La Dade-Kotopon Municipal Education Office says as a special needs educator, she is also stigmatised.

    The physical conditions suffered may include multiple sclerosis, allergies and asthma, juvenile arthritis, leukaemia, muscular dystrophy and epilepsy, while the developmental conditions may include down syndrome, autism, dyslexia, dyscalculia, dysgraphia, dyspraxia, aphasia or dysphasia, auditory processing disorder and visual processing disorder, Ms Joan Kafui Wenya, the Coordinator for Special Education at the La Dade-Kotopon Municipal Education Office, explained.

    Stigmatisation

    Ms Wenya, further explained that stigmatisation pushed frustrated and depressed parents to mete out inhumane treatment to special needs children, including locking them up in rooms, starving and, sometimes, poisoning them so they (parents) can be free.

    “In public, people shun us as if he’s a plague. When we board public transport, some passengers would not even want to sit close to us. As such, I have no option but to charter a taxi or an Uber for all our rounds. Even when I have to take him to the hospital, it has to be a private one to avoid the weird and uncomfortable glances from people,” Abu-Sadik recounted his encounter with stigmatization.

    The ugly face of stigmatization is not directed at parents only; special needs workers and officials like Ms Joan Kafui Wenya also face it.

    “You find people tagging and jesting. They say things like, ‘Some of your people are here. And when having a discourse, one can jokingly say, ‘You are an adult with special needs,’” she recounted.

    According to her, when she got pregnant, some people, told her they could not wait for her to give birth to a special need child because she championed their cause.

    Effects of COVID-19 on special needs education

    When the COVID-19 pandemic took the world by storm, it unleashed catastrophic effects on the economy, business, health and education of many countries.

    In Ghana, special needs education received very little or no attention from the state in the interventions the government put in place to mitigate the effects of the pandemic.

    As the traditional education system at the pre-school, basic, high and tertiary levels transited to online studies in the wake of COVID-19, special needs education was neglected, as parents and caregivers had no support to cater for the education needs of such children.

    A caregiver to special needs children, Auntie Maggie, said due to the underlying conditions of special needs children, their schools closed down even before the government directed the closure of schools.

    “It was more disturbing as there was an escalation of behavioural issues, throwing of tantrums and refusal to eat since they were cut off from their usual routine of going to school. We tried online classes for our students, but they were so new to it and it wasn’t sustainable because even face-to-face is not easy, how much more online?” she said.

    In his 21st broadcast to the nation on measures taken by the government against COVID-19, President Akufo-Addo announced the reopening of schools.

    “Our children must go to school, albeit safely, and we are satisfied that in the current circumstances, the reopening of our schools is safe,” the president said.

    Prior to the lockdown, the New Horizon Special School had a population of about 100 pupils but only about 30 of them reported when school resumed after the Covid-19-induced closure of schools.

    The school authorities could not reach out to the parents of some of the children, while others were said to have relocated to places very far from the school.

    However, the global pandemic did not spare the Ghanaian special needs schools. The ravages of Covid- 19 were heavily felt among them after the president’s announcement. The fullest weight was felt when these expatriates sent information that they had to withdraw their support due to the economic crises that came with the pandemic, a parent mentioned in an interview with The Fourth Estate.

    The special school owners knew that the withdrawal of the donors will affect enrolment and attendance of students because part of the bills which had earlier been waived for parents due to the availably of funding would now have to be borne solely by the parents without any reduction.

    For parents, they knew it was “a door of no return”. That is, without funding, or subsidy on charges and fees, they could not bear the expenses to keep their children in the special schools. As a result, some of the children were withdrawn. The fortunate ones were sent to regular schools and the others, were kept at home.

    For those who enrolled their wards in regular school, it was because they could not afford the fees, but others have completely dropped out of school.

    According to Ms. Wenya, a special needs advocate, some parents were scared that their children’s condition would deteriorate if they sent them back to school, so they preferred to keep them at home.

    Yahaya, Jemima and David

    Yahaya Abubakar and Jemima Barnor are children with cerebral palsy and down syndrome respectively. They are among children with special needs who have enrolled in regular schools after Covid-19 struck.

    Yahaya, 14, is in Class 4, while Jemima, 10, is in Class 1. But they are struggling in their new school environment.

    “Yahaya is coping. He is unable to hold items; not even a pen. He has to be fed because he is unable to eat by himself. His teacher and friends feed him,” Abu-Sadik said.

    At Manu in the Ketu North District in the Volta Region, David may be far away from Yahaya and Jemima, who are in Accra. Suffering from speech and walking disability since birth, however, the 17-year-old David shares a similar fate with Yahaya and Jemima.

    David lost his mother in 2018. His father is bedridden with a stroke. This has compounded David’s situation.

    He is 4.5ft tall, but with his walking disability, he requires the support of his six siblings, especially Ewoenam. Failure to get such support could make him fall anytime he attempts to walk.

    David started school late. He dropped out after Class 1 at the Ohawu Basic School for three reasons. First, he had to walk for 21 minutes, about 1.8 Km to school. Second, his classmates mocked him because of his speech impairment. And, third, he hardly grasped what was taught.

    Ohawu Basic School does not have the support system to enable him to access the classroom and function as a pupil.

    According to a former head teacher of the school (at the time David was in school), Daleku Daniel Kwaku, David needed a skill support system that would ease his mobility and speech.

    Ewoenam, David’s sister’s life is on hold because he can hardly do anything for himself

    He found such a support system only in his sister Ewoenam in junior high school who accompanied him to school.

    This means on days Ewoenam was unwell, David could not go to school.

    In fact, Ewoenam had to abandon her dream of continuing her education after completing JHS in order to cater for her sick brother.

    A ‘cursed child?’

    The joy of giving birth to a second boy did not last long in David’s family. At age 3,
    David could not walk, could not speak nor communicate in a clear voice with his
    parents or siblings as his age mates did.

    David suffers from childhood apraxia of speech (CAS), a speech disorder that makes it difficult for a child’s brain to coordinate the complex oral movements needed to create sounds into syllables, syllables into words, and words into phrases.

    To some community members, David is a cursed child from the gods and that is the basis for deep-seated stigmatization against him.

    In spite of the challenges David’s walking aide, Ewoenam, is excited that her brother is improving in terms of managing his life.

    “David is growing. He is now 17 years old. His voice is a bit clearer now than in the past. He can now eat by himself and can also walk alone, except that he sometimes slides off and falls. But anytime he falls, he hurt himself, so sometimes I have to help him to walk around,” she said.

    David has to be propped up to enable him stand. Without it, he can’t stand for even five minutes

    Taking care of David has put Ewoenam’s life on hold. She cannot do anything else, but she is willing to continue to be her brother’s keeper.

    She appealed to benevolent individuals and institutions to support David to enable him to function independently, adding, “Any help to David will lift the dependence burden on me, then I can also do something for myself.”

    “I wish to see him grow, get married and make his family,” she added.

    Mabel could not agree more with her sister.

    “We need a support system or school that can give him [David] the needed skills and training. Even if he cannot learn or continue the school, we are only hoping that he will be supported to learn a vocation so that as he grows, he does not become a burden but have the capacity to take care of himself and his family,” she said.

    Empathy, not sympathy

     According to Ms Joan Kafui Wenya, in order to ensure that people better appreciate the state and conditions of special needs children, caregivers and society must show empathy instead of sympathy.

    “I’ve made colleagues, teachers and other people know that we must not sympathize with persons with special needs. They don’t need our sympathy, but we need to empathize with them. Empathy means putting yourself in their condition to see how you can manage it. Accept the child’s condition and make sure you are pushing for the child’s reformation,” she explained.

    On her part, Auntie Maggie considers three decades of her job as a “ministry”, saying seeing the children independent and doing things they could not do earlier brings her so much joy.

    “Seeing the crafts of some of these kids brings a bunch of joy. They are pure; they are affectionate and very appreciative of what you do for them,” she noted.

    The Communications Director for Child’s Right International, Afia Nyamekye Kumah-Abrafa, said taking care of children in society was everyone’s responsibility so all should get involved.

    “Investment is not only money. Investment is love, care and attention. Children with special needs should not be looked at as liabilities because an Adult is a child who has survived,” she said.

    The families of Jemima, Yahaya and David have accepted them as gifts from God, and they keep offering them the requisite assistance for their daily progress.

    That is why Jemima has a good reason to be cheerful and express it in singing and dancing. Yahaya and David have big dreams for the future, the former wanting to become an Imam (an Islamic teacher) and the latter, a mobile phone repairer.

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    The students who are taught how to cry

     

    The writers of this report, Deborah Pokua Bempah & Richard Mensah Adonu, were Fellows of the maiden edition of the Next Generation Investigative Journalism Fellowship at the Media Foundation for West Africa.

  • 62 hours in Liberia: the flight we nearly missed

    Thursday, July 28, 2022: The flight was uneventful, except for the cabin crew celebrating a passenger’s birthday.  I have been on a dramatic few though. The most memorable was on South Africa Airways to Joburg in 2014. That night, my stomach rebelled for snacking on banana and groundnut paste sandwiches, which I had assembled hurriedly before running to the airport.

    While I stood in front of the washroom tapping gently on the door, the occupant took forever in the place of convenience. After 20 minutes, I couldn’t endure standing on my wobbly legs anymore while whatever it was in my tummy was fast moving downward. I threw gentility into the sky and banged on the door so loudly that the cabin crew turned up for peacekeeping duties. A minute later, a woman cat walked out, carrying a rainbow on her head. In one hand was a make-up kit; the other, a lipstick.

    On another flight on Egypt Air to Dubai, turbulence kept rocking the plane so violently that a group of Ghanaians started chanting, “Rough road! Rough road!”

    But this Kenya Airways flight, my first to Liberia, had nothing for the bank of memory. I was curious about the country I had heard so much about and was visiting for the first time.

    Liberia, one of Africa’s oldest nations, conjures images of a nation pressing a self-destruct button. Its unemployment figures have been flagged as a national security threat. Corruption has grown into a full brown cancer with the executive and the legislature conniving to dissolve the country’s antigraft institution, the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC). Their reason? The anti-graft body was carrying out unnecessary prosecutions.

    West Africa is struggling with unemployment and corruption, but Liberia’s is peculiar because of its recent past civil wars.

    The country failed to pick the blueprint of visionary leadership from Rwanda and its neigbour Ivory Coast, which recently spent perilous times in the jaws of civil war.

    In the four years since the election of President George Weah, poverty has reportedly increased from 50.9 to 52%, according to the World Bank’s 2021 Poverty and Equity Brief. The brief revealed that “44 per cent of the population lived under extreme poverty ($1.90 per day) and poverty in Liberia is projected to increase over the next few years, driven by increasing food prices, lower commodity prices for minerals, and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.” The country’s rich mineral and agricultural resources are hardly tricking down to the common man.

    On the security front, there have been recent murders of three prominent Liberians. John Hilary Tubman, 76, son of former Liberian President William V.S. Tubman; and William Richard Tolbert III, 68, the last-born son of the late William R. Tolbert Jr, Liberia’s 20th president; were mysteriously murdered in what looked like a hatched job. Ms Maude Elliot, a senior officer of the Liberia Immigration Service, also met a similar fate.

    As an avid listener of the BBC, optimism is hardly heard in the voices of the many Liberians who complain about their living conditions. In Ghana, the Liberian refugees at the Bujumbura Camp, who have refused to go back home, say it all. All is not well.

    All these were on my mind when I boarded the aircraft.

    As the aircraft shot up to the sky, I picked a book to read. The book “Left Behind” is a Christian fiction about the rapture. It starts with dozens of passengers in an aircraft disappearing naked, leaving behind their clothes.

    Fortunately for the passengers left behind, heaven didn’t find the pilot worthy. However, panic struck that flight.

    Amid the chaos on the aircraft in the book, I dozed off. I caught myself a few times trying hard not to stray my head onto the shoulders of my co-passengers, Adiza, a colleague at the Media Foundation for West Africa and a Liberian woman who was chewing gum loud enough to perhaps warn me about the undesirable direction of my adventurous head.

    I snapped out of the nap an hour into the two-and-half-hour flight and shuffled between the book and conversation with my colleague.

    Landing at Robert’s International

    By 5.10 p.m., the captain’s voice filled the aircraft. It was raspy as if he had been warned that speaking loudly and clearly would cost him his flying licence.

    As we descended, Liberia’s verdant forests and beaches came into view. The Robert’s International Airport itself appeared as though it was enveloped in a forest. What it lacks in the concrete jungle that constitutes most airports around the world is made up for in tranquillity.

    At 5.30 p.m., we touched down. As the aircraft taxied towards the arrival hall, it didn’t take long to realise that Liberia’s only international Airport had seen better days.

    A few dilapidated buildings lined up on the edges of the tarmac. Some looked burnt.

    It gave the impression of a country yet to collect the ashes of the two bloody civil wars that killed and maimed thousands. And the long road to recovery was yet to reach the airport.

    Inside the arrival hall, influence peddling was at play. A man in plainclothes waved on a couple that was to meet port health officials for a COVID-19 vaccination card inspection.

    Soon, it became a turf war. Another official ordered the couple back into the queue. Their benefactor ordered them back.

    A friendly port health official’s “Hello, Akwaaba to Liberia” jolted me, and truncated my concentration on the unfolding drama. After this, an immigration officer broke into a welcoming smile with another round of Akwaaba and a fatal attempt at speaking Twi.

    With the immigration formalities out of the way, the luggage claim became another hurdle. Luggage handlers were busily tossing the bags onto the dysfunctional carousel for someone else to lift them onto the floor.

    It didn’t end there. The airport had no trolley. We had heavy stationery meant for a training programme on investigative journalism and anti-corruption reporting. I had to lift the luggage on my shoulder. But after 20 steps, a man whose stomach was threatening to tear his shirt’s buttons pointed to a scanner.

    “Put your luggage there, it has to be scanned,” he said with a dismissive wave.

    We complied.

    With the stationery back on my shoulder and my main luggage firmly in my grip, it didn’t take long to be out of the airport. Then came haggling with a taxi driver over the fare to our hotel.

    We settled on US $50.

    To Liberia’s credit, one can’t help but notice the landscaping around the airport, particularly the well-manicured lawns. I jokingly told my colleague it appeared Liberia’s elites were not interested in airport lands.

    “They probably don’t have the money yet to develop it,” she replied.

    Journey to Monrovia, President Weah’s performance

    As the green fields faded behind us, the everyday struggle of the average Liberian began to manifest.

    I was shocked to see petrol and diesel in jars for sale. Their patrons are the ubiquitous commercial motorcycles, okada, as they are known across West Africa.

    Unlike Ghana, where illegal miners have heavily polluted rivers, Liberia’s rivers and streams were impressively clean.

    Unlike Ghana where illegal miners have heavily polluted water bodies, in Liberia, the rivers and streams are clean

    However, our driver, Peter, was quick to point out that Liberia was also dealing with illegal miners, particularly from Ghana and Nigeria.

    When the discussion turned political, he had no kind words about President George Weah, who he said deceived his way into power.

    “He is vindictive. No leader has divided this country after the civil war like Weah,” he said, as he steered off a hole that nearly swallowed a tyre.

    It would take almost 30 minutes before we enjoyed some level of normalcy from the dust and bumpy ride.

    Apart from completing a few projects that the country’s post-civil-war President, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, had started, Peter said  President Weah found more pleasure in dancing on TikTok and cooking on television than delivering on his promises.

     

    Liberian leader George Weah gets the BUGA dance bug - P.M. News
    Liberian President, George Weah, has received a lot of backlash for dancing on Tiktok

    He had no compliments for Madam Sirleaf either. Interestingly, former President Charles Taylor, who is in prison for war crimes, fared better on Peter’s scorecard.

    It was clear that in the absence of well-developed transport infrastructure, commercial motorbikes were filling the gap. Some of these motorbikes had umbrellas fixed on them to protect the rider and passenger.

    On a section of the highway, which our chatty taxi driver claimed had been abandoned for more than two years, minutes passed between seeing a single car or any of the rusty minibuses that provide transport. The commercial buses that mocked the term “road worthy” were not as many as the yellow taxis that defy cargo limits.

    Some taxi drivers defy cargo limits

    The driving skills on the roads made me wonder who are the worse drivers—Ghanaians, Liberians or Nigerians. When it comes to driving in Ghana, some say it’s chaos out there. In Liberia, it is no different.  The traffic rules appear simple. Rule one: big cars and tricycles have the right of way. Rule two: you’re responsible for whatever the rider in front of you chooses to do. The recklessness with which the tricycles bob and weave through traffic can heighten the condition of hypertensive motorists.

    Hunting for a hotel, the Asian influence

    After almost two hours on the road, we finally arrived at Bela Casa. But a quick look at the cracks on the façade and the hotel’s dimly lit corridors didn’t inspire hospitality.

    My colleague, an ardent traveller within the subregion was quick to suggest that we take a look at the rooms first. The hotel manager reluctantly agreed. Adiza’s intuition was right. It was stuffy enough to trigger a cold.

    Our taxi driver quickly suggested an alternative— Boulevard Palace—a hotel that dominates the skylines of Monrovia. However, it is expensive, the driver warned. It’s a Lebanese property.

    On our way to Boulevard, we settled for Murex Plaza another Lebanese-owned chic boutique hotel. The rates were high for what was on offer, but Adiza, an adept bargainer, helped the situation.

    With the training done on Friday, Saturday was meant to be for sightseeing. However, we had to abandon the idea because our host couldn’t remember any tourist attraction in Monrovia, except the beach.

    A street in Monrovia’s central business district

    But that idea was quickly dismissed when we learnt foreigners were targets of knife attacks. A UK embassy travel advice and a few friends we spoke to didn’t give much encouragement.

    I ate, read, worked and slept.

    In the afternoon, my colleague suggested we give our taste buds a treat at Boulevard after she took the trouble of scanning their menu online.

    The taste of the  food didn’t match the US$82 we spent altogether. Fried plantain saved the day. Liberians, for some strange reason, spend the US dollar alongside the Liberian dollar. If we were paying our bill in Liberian dollars, it would have been L$12,628

    The food didn’t taste as appealing as it looked on the menu

    In the country’s central business district, the Asian influence was glaring. Lebanese, Indian and Chinese shops competed for business. I learnt that those three countries contributed about 70% of Liberia’s economic backbone.

    On Sunday, we headed back to the airport. The hotel receptionist promised an airconditioned car for $US50. We had the car without the air-condition and the driver appeared to have taken driving lessons from the snail. At the airport, he tried to pull a fast one. He said we were to pay $US50 each. He didn’t have his way.

    However, the biggest trouble awaited us at the entrance of the departure hall.  The gate had been closed. A security man appeared from nowhere to man the gate. I tried calmly to explain things to him, but he wouldn’t budge.  Adiza tried too, but he just gave a mean look, his hands buried in his pocket.

    Then Adiza, one of the calmest people on earth, burst into rage. I joined the tantrum match. It made some headway, and it attracted eyeballs and ears too. A Fly Africa World staff appeared, but, after hearing what was causing the commotion, he shrugged and left. A more diplomatic one came out of the hall and had sympathy.

    The gate was opened.

    The explanation for closing the departure gate 30 minutes before the check-in time ended didn’t make sense. The airline’s staff explained that it was because most passengers who arrived late after the check-in had been closed, created scenes when they’re denied boarding.

    At the immigration, the officer was interested in changing GH₵ 55, which he probably begged from Ghanaian travellers, into dollars. And he wanted a tip too. I only smiled and moved on. The security personnel were subtly making similar demands.

    After clearing these hurdles and the boarding formalities, we raced to the bus sending us to board the aircraft. It was just the two of us. Three other passengers came in later.

    We took off 30 minutes ahead of the schedule. Our destination was Freetown, Sierra Leone.

    The flight to Liberia may have been uneventful, but there was enough in my 62 hours stay in Monrovia to convince me that Liberia needs to shake off the dead skins of its bloody civil war.

    Rwanda did it. Liberia can, too.

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